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During the time of Epicurus, who could read well enough to study philosophy?

  • Kalosyni
  • July 7, 2026 at 11:45 AM
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    • July 7, 2026 at 11:45 AM
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    The question of literacy at the time of Epicurus came to me because I've been thinking about who exactly were the people that were engaging with the teachings of Epicurus...

    And because it also answers the question of who was Epicurus writing for...

    Quote

    Google query: during 341 bc to 270 bc what percentage of people could read philosophical texts in athens greece?

    Scholars estimate that overall literacy in ancient Athens from 341 to 270 BC was between 10% and 15% of the general population. However, the percentage of people who could read complex philosophical texts was much lower, likely around 3% to 5%. This specialized reading class primarily consisted of elite, wealthy, and educated adult male citizens. [1, 2, 3, 4]

    While Athenian democracy required basic reading skills to participate in civic duties, reading dense philosophy like the works of Epicurus or the earlier Platonist and Aristotelian texts demanded extensive formal education, which was heavily restricted by gender and socioeconomic class. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]

    Any women who were present were likely either part of Epicurus' household (unfree slaves)...or educated hetaira...or perhaps wives who were taught by their wealthy philosophical husbands who were part of the school. The only male slave that was specifically mentioned by name in Diogenes Laertius was Mys, who was within Epicurus' household.

    The census of Demetrius Phalereus in 317 BC found 21,000 citizens, 10,000 metics and 400,000 slaves living in Athens.

    The metics were foreign born or freed slaves, who were not land owners, and yet some may have been wealthy and had free time.

    So then that leaves mainly the elite, wealthy, and educated adult male citizens and the sons of those men.

    And, this also frames the bigger picture regarding Epicurean philosophy as an important consideration in the interpretation of the texts. I can hardly think that Epicurus was telling these elite wealthy men to dispose of their wealth and possessions and become minimalists who only engage with the bare basic necessities in life.

    Epicurus was speaking to the same people as Lucretius was... in De Rerum Natura, book 6...which talks about the leaky jar / tainted jar:

    [Bailey-6:09] For when he saw that mortals had by now attained well-nigh all things which their needs crave for subsistence, and that, as far as they could, their life was established in safety, that men abounded in power through wealth and honours and renown, and were haughty in the good name of their children, and yet not one of them for all that had at home a heart less anguished, but with torture of mind lived a fretful life without any respite, and was constrained to rage with savage complaining, he then did understand that it was the vessel itself which wrought the disease, and that by its disease all things were corrupted within, whatsoever came into it gathered from without, yea even blessings; in part because he saw that it was leaking and full of holes, so that by no means could it ever be filled; in part because he perceived that it was tainted as with a foul savor all things within it, which it had taken in.

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  • Don
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    • July 7, 2026 at 5:43 PM
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    All you really needed was one literate person in a given Epicurean community to read any correspondence or texts. My understanding is that it was common to listen to texts. This is what I understand happened in early Christian communities.

    Ancient Greece and Rome were also much more oral cultures, too.

    Consider too that the Peripatetics literally walked around while discussing philosophy, so it is easy to imagine students and teachers in the Garden sitting around discussing and teaching and listening to lectures. My understanding is that On Nature was a series of lectures Epicurus gave. The only writings of Aristotle are the lecture notes compiled by a student of his.

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    • July 7, 2026 at 7:01 PM
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    I found this with Google:

    Quote

    There is significant, explicit textual evidence detailing Epicurus’s deliberate reliance on written texts as a central tool for learning, specifically designed to substitute for or supplement oral teaching. [1]

    Unlike Socrates, who famously rejected writing in favor of oral dialogue, Epicurus was a highly prolific writer who engineered a text-based educational system. The core textual evidence for this includes: [1, 2, 3]

    1. Epicurus's Own Statements on Epitomization

    In the surviving introductions to his letters preserved by Diogenes Laërtius, Epicurus explicitly states that his written texts are meant to act as a substitute for direct instruction. [1, 2]

    • The Letter to Herodotus: Epicurus explicitly writes that he has prepared this text as an epitome (an abridgment) for those who "are unable to study carefully all my physical writings" or "cannot digest the more detailed books." He states the text is designed so that even advanced students can have a ready handbook to memorize and recall core principles without needing a teacher present. [1, 2, 3]
    • The Letter to Pythocles: The prologue notes that the text was written specifically to provide a handy, easily memorable distillation of natural philosophy to help the reader navigate life when oral guidance isn't available. [1, 2]

    2. Evidence from the Herculaneum Papyri

    The recovery of the Herculaneum library—which preserved the carbonized scrolls of the Epicurean philosopher Philodemus—provides physical and textual proof of how the school operated. [, 2]

    • Philodemus’s treatise On Frank Criticism (Peri Parresias) describes the pedagogical structure of Epicurean communities.
    • The texts reveal that when Epicurean groups spread across the Mediterranean, away from Epicurus’s physical presence in Athens, they relied entirely on reading, copying, and dissecting Epicurus’s written texts as the structural foundation of their regular community meetings. [1, 2, 3, 4]
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  • Don
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    • July 8, 2026 at 7:03 AM
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    Book 28 of On Nature ends with:

    Quote from Epicurus, On Nature, Book 28

    And now I think I have finished prattling to you this twenty-eighth installment of our consecutive lecture series.

    He uses the word ἀκρόασις "hearing, hearkening or listening to" where "lecture series" is the translation even though its a written work. The work is also written partially as a dialogue between Metrodorus and Epicurus, using first and second pronouns. This strikes me as different than Plato's dialogues in that he created characters (including his dead teacher, Socrates). I would see On Nature being more like transcripts of actual teachings.

    We know that at least Herodotus, Pythocles, and Menoikeus were literate: We literally have Epicurus' letters addressed to them. We know the Founders were all literate and wrote extensive treatises. We know Philodemus was prolific in his writings. We know that Diogenes, living in Oenoanda, was literate and also thought enough people could read that his inscription would be useful to passers-by. But if the popularity of Epicurus' philosophy was as wide spread as to make Cicero clutch his pearls, I doubt literacy was widespread throughout the community.

    Bart Ehrman has a relevant blog post talking about early Christian communities that includes:

    Quote from EhrmanBlog

    So let’s assume that [the literacy rate in Graeco-Roman times] was 20%. That would mean that an average church, with 70 members, of whom 20 were adult males, would have, on average four who would read. And of course their reading abilities would cover a wide range: some could probably read very painstakingly and slowly, maybe one or two could read pretty well – it’s hard to say. Overall, there would be, around the year 100, 400 Christians (in the entire world) who could read.

    He goes on to say that those who could read then would be leaders in their communities. I would think this would hold for Epicurean communities.

    I found an interesting lecture online about reading, even silently, in the ancient world: https://www.gresham.ac.uk/watch-now/anci…torical-context

    There's also the encouragement - even requirement - for ancient Epicureans to commit epitomes to memory. That's why Epicurus provided summaries of his work, so that the written document became superfluous. For students who were not fully literate, this would have meant working with a teacher to internalize the most important works.

    Epicurus to Pythocles (emphasis added): To aid your memory you ask me for a clear and concise statement respecting celestial phenomena ; for what we have written on this subject elsewhere is, you tell me, hard to remember, although you have my books constantly with you. I was glad to receive your request and am full of pleasant expectations. [85] We will then complete our writing and grant all you ask.

    Epicurus to Herodotus: For those who are unable to study carefully all my physical writings or to go into the longer treatises at all, I have myself prepared an epitome56 of the whole system, Herodotus, to preserve in the memory enough of the principal doctrines,57 to the end that on every occasion they may be able to aid themselves on the most important points, so far as they take up the study of Physics. Those who have made some advance in the survey of the entire system ought to fix in their minds under the principal headings an elementary outline of the whole treatment of the subject. For a comprehensive view is often required, the details but seldom.

    Epicurus encourages Menoikeus to study what he's written night and day with a like-minded friends (so they can read the work to each other?), likely to impress it into his mind so he has the information asleep and awake.

    I realize Philodemus railed against Epicureans who had strayed from studying the books, but if On Nature really was a series of lectures, this could just as easily meant getting back to attending lectures from my perspective.

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    • July 8, 2026 at 9:49 AM
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    Thanks Don and thinking further...it appears that you may be hinting that we can't be totally certain about who exactly was attending Epicurus' Kepos, and what types of people attended the Epicurean communities. And yet, I don't think that it would be correct to compare Epicurean communities with early Christian communities. The teachings are very different and they will attract different people.

    We see in Lucretius that there is an emphasis on the natural physics with the majority of DRN focusing on the causes of things, so as to dispell the incorrect beliefs about gods causing natural phenomenon. We need to ask ourselves what types of people are interested in this focus, and to see that this aspect of Epicurean philosophy was shining the light on Nature as moving with its own driving force, and this was an "early science" to examine the world and learn about the things that causes various phenomenon. The study of natural physics requires a certain intelligence level, and so then these would be the people more likely to have aquired the skill of reading. So I still stand by my hypothesis that most people who studied Epicurean philosophy in ancient Greece could read.

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    • July 8, 2026 at 2:51 PM
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    Quote from Don

    We know that at least Herodotus, Pythocles, and Menoikeus were literate:

    Leontien and Themista also, according to accounts.

    "We must try to make the end of the journey better than the beginning, as long as we are journeying; but when we come to the end, we must be happy and content." (Vatican Saying 48)

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    • July 8, 2026 at 3:48 PM
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    Let me throw this quote in:

    "However, with the study of grammar being twofold [1] the one promising to teach the elements and their combinations and being in general an art of writing and reading, and [2] the other being, in comparison, a deeper ability: not consisting merely in the bare knowledge of letters but also in the investigation of their discovery and their nature, and in addition the parts of speech composed of letters and all other matters of the same kind – it is not our purpose now to invalidate the first; for that it is useful is agreed by all men, and amongst these men we must place Epicurus, although he seems to be bitterly hostile to the professors; in his book On Gifts and Gratitude he definitely tries to prove that it is necessary for the wise to learn the written letters [i.e., become literate]. Necessary, as we should say, not for the wise only but for all people."

    Sextus Empiricus (fl.c. 200 CE), Against the Grammarians, 1.49


    But learning to read is of course a lower bar than having a (1) generalized liberal education or (2) specific professional training, both of which Epicurus considered unhelpful, for example:

    "...because [the members] of your [Epicurean school], indeed, argue quite well that there is no need for him who is going to be a philosopher to know literature."

    Cicero (fl. 65 BCE), De Finibus, 2.4.12

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  • Don
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    • July 8, 2026 at 5:27 PM
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    Quote from Kalosyni

    I don't think that it would be correct to compare Epicurean communities with early Christian communities.

    Wasn't one of Cicero's criticisms of Epicureans that they attracted women, slaves, and the common people? That's the same criticism levied against the early Christians.

    One could study the philosophy without being able to read. Attending lectures, memorizing texts with a friend who could read or in a group where the texts were read aloud.

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    • July 8, 2026 at 8:52 PM
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    I found this Medium article interesting, too: https://medium.com/thought-thinke…ce-4301dccc3990

    Excerpts:

    We learn about the specific of reading practices in ancient Greece mostly not from written evidences which would describe the process of reading, but from the terms which the Greek used for the word «read». There are more than 10 verbs with this meaning in ancient Greek. Analyzing these verbs we can understand the patterns of the ancient reading practices, because they indicate how the process of reading was perceived. It means that the difference in reading practices was enshrined by the language [1].

    For example, there was a verb nе́mein, which meant «read out loud» and «distribute something, including yourself among recipients». It means, that the words which were read aloud were addressed not only to the listeners, but also to the reader itself. It is just one of the examples of the verbs which were used in Ancient Greece to specify one of the aspects of the reading process [1].

    Other ancient Greek verbs with the meaning of reading also refer to reading aloud. It means, that people of that epoch read not much and with difficulty and it also means, that exactly the sounding word played crucial role in the culture. Moreover, for the concept of reading in ancient Greece the man and his voice were considered to be instruments at the service of the text. Written speech demanded mandatory scoring, it was considered to be not complete by its nature. Until the writing began to sound, it meant not more than just a set of symbols. That is why it was not the reader who was the addresser of the text, but the listener — he was listening to the text which was read to him [1].

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    • July 9, 2026 at 9:39 AM
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    Further on this...four categories, and also who was left out...

    Google AI query: which classes in ancient athens in 300 bc had both the interest and time for studying or hearing about epicurean philosophy?

    Epicurean philosophy—founded by Epicurus when he established his school, "The Garden," in Athens around 306 BC [1]—was revolutionary because it deliberately rejected the traditional Athenian class system. [1, 2]

    The Academy (Plato) or the Lyceum (Aristotle), required a rigorous, elite background in mathematics and political theory, but the Garden of Epicurus did not. Because of this, the classes that had the interest and time to engage with it spanned a unique cross-section of Athenian society: [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]

    1. Wealthy Intellectuals and Aristocrats (The Elite)

    • The Interest: Many wealthy individuals were deeply disillusioned by the political chaos of 300 BC. Athens was trapped in a cycle of Macedonian military occupations and puppet governments. Epicurus offered a radical alternative: lathe biosas ("live unnoticed"). He advocated for completely withdrawing from public life, politics, and civic duties to protect one's peace of mind. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]
    • The Time: This class possessed unlimited leisure time (schole) funded by their estates and slave labor. They could afford to spend entire days lounging and debating in the Garden. [1, 2]

    2. High-Class Courtesans (Hetairai)

    • The Interest: The Garden was highly scandalous in 300 BC because Epicurus openly welcomed women. Hetairai were highly educated, intellectually curious, and lacked the political ties that bound male citizens. Epicurean philosophy’s emphasis on friendship over civic duty deeply resonated with women who were legally marginalized by the state. Famous hetairai, such as Leontion, became prominent Epicurean scholars and even wrote philosophical treatises refuting male philosophers. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]
    • The Time: As independent entrepreneurs, hetairai managed their own schedules. Attending philosophical gatherings was natively aligned with their professional lives, which centered on intellectual and social engagement with elite thinkers.

    3. Enslaved People (Douloi)

    [15-20% of all enslaved people where priviliged or highly skilled, see below for more]

    • The Interest: Epicurus famously admitted slaves into his school as intellectual equals, a practice that shocked traditional Athenians. Epicureanism taught that all human beings share the same basic psychological vulnerabilities and capacity for happiness. For a slave, a philosophy that removed the fear of vengeful gods and treated them as a friend—rather than a "living tool"—was incredibly appealing. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]
    • The Time: Most slaves had no free time. However, privileged domestic slaves or highly skilled slave-craftsmen (choris oikountes) who lived independently and paid a portion of their wages to their masters often had pockets of personal time in the evenings. Epicurus's own slave, Mys, became a fully initiated and respected philosopher within the community. [1]

    4. Wealthy Resident Aliens (Metics)

    • The Interest: Because metics could not vote or hold political office in Athens, traditional philosophies that focused on "how to rule a city" (like Plato's Republic) were irrelevant to them. Epicureanism provided a universal framework for happiness that did not require political citizenship or belonging to a specific homeland. [1, 2, 3, 4]
    • The Time: Wealthy foreign merchants, bankers, and doctors had generated significant wealth from Athens' booming trade sector, granting them the financial freedom and leisure time to pursue philosophy.

    Which Class Was Left Out?

    The working-class citizens (Zeugitae and Thetes)—the average Athenian craftsmen, small farmers, and laborers—generally lacked both the time and interest for Epicureanism. They were consumed by the daily grind of survival under Macedonian occupation. Furthermore, traditional working-class citizens often viewed the Garden's radical inclusion of slaves and women, combined with its rejection of public civic duty, as deeply unpatriotic and lazy.

    *********

    Google AI query: what percentage of all slaves were privileged or highly skilled?

    There are no precise census records from 300 BC, but modern economic historians estimate that between 15% and 25% of the total slave population in ancient Athens could be categorized as highly skilled or privileged. [1, 2]

    Because the Greeks viewed slaves as property rather than tracking them by occupation, scholars reconstruct these proportions based on literary references, court cases, and trade logs. [1, 2, 3, 4]

    The Breakdown of the Enslaved Population

    Out of an estimated total of roughly 80,000 to 100,000 slaves in Attica around this period, the division of labor generally fell into three distinct bands: [1, 2, 3, 4]

    • The Privileged/Highly Skilled (15% – 25%): This group consisted of choris oikountes ("those living apart"), who were trusted to run workshops, bank counters, and businesses independently. It also included demosioi (state-owned public slaves) who served as the Scythian archer police force, mint workers, and administrative clerks. These were the rare individuals with the pocket money or freedom of movement to theoretically engage with Epicurean philosophy. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]
    • The Domestic/Household Slaves (35% – 45%): These individuals lived within the oikos (household). While their daily physical comfort was drastically higher than that of a laborer, they were entirely dependent on the personal temperament of their master and had very little personal autonomy, leisure time, or independent income. [1, 2, 3, 4]
    • Unskilled Agricultural and Mine Laborers (35% – 45%): This was the largest and most brutal tier. Thousands of completely uneducated chattel slaves worked the fields or were leased out to work the state silver mines of Laurium. They suffered extreme physical attrition and had virtually zero opportunities for education or leisure. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]

    Why Highly Skilled Slaves Were Rare

    • Market Value: A highly skilled slave (like a literate accountant, doctor, or master stonemason) was an expensive luxury asset. While a common laborer cost about 1 to 2 minae, a highly skilled artisan or tutor could command 5 to 10 minae (nearly a year or two of an average free citizen's wages), limiting how many existed in the market. [1, 2, 3]
    • The Incentive System: Masters purposely granted these skilled slaves privileges—like letting them live in their own homes or keep a small percentage of profits (peculium)—not out of kindness, but as an incentive structure to prevent sabotage and maximize business revenue. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]

    *********

    Google AI query: what percentage of metics were wealthy?

    Based on demographic and economic reconstructions, only about 5% to 10% of metics in Ancient Athens were truly wealthy, while roughly 40% to 45% belonged to a solid middle class. The remaining 50% or more were poor, working-class laborers and small tradespeople. [1]

    While history often highlights famous, ultra-wealthy metics like the arms-manufacturer Cephalus or the philosopher Aristotle, they represented a small minority of the overall foreign population. [1, 2, 3, 4]

    Based on historical data from the 4th century BC, the metic wealth spectrum breaks down as follows:

    1. The Ultra-Wealthy Elite (5% – 10%)

    This group consisted of major international merchants, large-scale slave owners, shipowners, and powerful bank operators. While they were legally barred from owning real estate, they held massive fortunes in "invisible wealth" (cash, loans, ships, and slaves). Like wealthy citizens, this top tier of metics was rich enough to be swept into the eisphora (extraordinary war taxes). [1, 2, 3, 4]

    2. The "Hoplite" Middle Class (~40% – 45%)

    Historical military logs show that about 43% of metics possessed enough wealth to qualify for the "hoplite census". This meant they earned enough money to buy their own heavy armor and shields to fight in the army alongside middle-class citizens. This group included independent shop owners, successful artists, master craftsmen, and medium-scale traders. [1, 2, 3]

    3. The Working-Class and Impoverished (~50%+)

    More than half of all metics were economically indistinguishable from the poorest Athenian citizens (thetes). They lived hand-to-mouth as retail shop assistants, common construction laborers, street vendors, and independent shoe-makers or potters. This tier also included freed former slaves who legally became metics upon gaining freedom, usually starting their independent lives with zero generational wealth. [1, 2, 3]

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    • July 9, 2026 at 10:50 AM
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    Quote from Don

    That is why it was not the reader who was the addresser of the text, but the listener — he was listening to the text which was read to him

    And there were learned scribes (often slaves) to whom letters and texts could be dictated, to be read aloud to recipients – serving a function akin to professional secretaries today, which you describe and which likely fit into the “highly skilled” slaves mentioned by Kalosyni.

    For example, we have no writing attributed to the Stoic Epictetus; it was Arrian who wrote down the teachings that are incorporated in the Enchiridion and the Discourses. (Though Epictetus, before being freed, seems likely also have fit the category of a highly skilled – and literate – slave.

    Also, the word “literate” is a relative term. I have no literacy in Greek, for example; I once was literate in differential calculus, but am no longer (have forgotten it all over years of disuse; I may be moderately literate in Epicurean philosophy, but far less literate than many on here (I wouldn’t refer to myself as a philosopher).

    "We must try to make the end of the journey better than the beginning, as long as we are journeying; but when we come to the end, we must be happy and content." (Vatican Saying 48)

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  • DaveT
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    • July 9, 2026 at 12:57 PM
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    • #12

    As I thought about this question, I remembered that the only way of sharing written scrolls was to have someone manually copy it. Since this likely was an expensive proposition done by skilled scribes (No Jeff Bezos types) there were probably rather few copies made.

    So, if the most exact method of teaching from his letters etc was to read off a copy and open the meeting to discussion, I'm thinking it didn't matter whether the students could read or write.

    However.... I think an absolute necessity to the teaching and learning process had to be frequent, (dare I say more than weekly) meetings for both the illiterate and illiterate to learn and adopt the lessons from the Garden(s) into daily life.

    In addition, if teachings were also done through memorized lessons, a certainly less exact method of passing on the doctrines, etc. repetitive reinforcement was also absolutely necessary.

    As an aside to the original question, I'm guessing that only those who were free enough and rich enough to attend, and learn several times a week had the time to spare. Am I wrong to conclude that women were not free to navigate the cities alone so perhaps the enslaved were members of those households where women were free enough from their other duties to attend.

    I'm also wondering if the cost of copying was one of the reasons so few of Epicurus' writings were preserved.

    Dave Tamanini

    Harrisburg, PA, USA

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  • Don
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    • July 9, 2026 at 1:21 PM
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    Quote from DaveT

    Am I wrong to conclude that women were not free to navigate the cities alone

    The hetairai were more "free" than wives or other women, so I would think it was primarily they who attended. Women were more free in Roman settings than Greek.

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    • July 9, 2026 at 1:26 PM
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    Google Query: was writing on or copying onto papyrus costly at 300 bc?

    At 300 BC, blank papyrus was a significant expense, generally costing a few days' wages for an unskilled laborer. However, the act of copying or writing made books exceptionally pricey, as all texts had to be meticulously transcribed by hand. [1, 2, 3]

    A breakdown of ancient writing costs reveals:

    • The cost of the material: While the papyrus plant was easily cultivated in Egypt, shipping and trade markups made it an expensive commodity elsewhere in the Mediterranean, such as in Greece. A standard blank papyrus roll equated to roughly half its weight in modern printer paper made of gold. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]
    • The cost of labor: The actual writing material only accounted for a small fraction of a book's final price. Professional scribes and copyists commanded high wages, driving up the cost of literary works and records. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]
    • Reusing papyrus: Because of the expense, papyrus was frequently washed or scraped clean to be used as scratch paper, or written on both sides (recto and verso) to maximize space. [1, 2, 3]
    • Alternative materials: For temporary notes, calculations, or drafts, people used cheaper alternatives like wax tablets or broken pieces of pottery and limestone known as ostraca. Parchment (animal skins) was also used, but it was historically even more expensive than papyrus. [1, 2, 3]

    *****

    Google query: what did people use when they sent letters in 300 bc?

    In 300 BC (the early Hellenistic period), the materials and methods people used to send letters depended heavily on who was writing, the purpose of the message, and how far it had to travel. [1, 2]

    1. The Writing Materials

    • Papyrus Sheets: For formal, wealthy, or official correspondence, papyrus was the preferred medium. Unlike literary works that were kept as long scrolls, letters were usually written on a single sheet, folded up, tied securely with string, and sealed with wax or clay to ensure privacy. Writers used reed pens dipped in carbon-based ink. [1]
    • Wax Tablets: For short, informal, or local notes, people used a diptych (two wooden boards attached by hinges). The inside of the wood was coated in dark beeswax, and the sender used a sharp metal stylus to scratch the message into the wax. The recipient could easily smooth the wax over to reply on the exact same tablet. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]
    • Ostraca (Pottery Fragments): For everyday communication among commoners, soldiers, or laborers, broken pieces of ceramic pottery served as free, highly durable "scratch pads." People wrote on them with ink or scratched words directly into the clay. [1, 2]
    • Lead Sheets: Occasionally used for highly sensitive, legal, or religious messages. Sheets of lead were hammered thin, etched with a stylus, and tightly rolled up. [1]

    2. The "Envelopes" and Security

    Ancient letter writers did not have paper envelopes. Instead, they folded the papyrus or wooden tablet inward so the writing faced the inside. They then wrapped a string around it and placed a dollop of beeswax or clay over the knot. The sender stamped the wax with a unique signet ring, creating a personalized seal. If the seal arrived broken, the recipient knew the letter had been intercepted and read. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]

    3. The Delivery System (The "Post")

    There was no public postal system for ordinary citizens in 300 BC. [1, 2]

    • The Common Citizen: Regular people had to rely entirely on private networks. If you wanted to send a letter, you had to ask a traveling merchant, a trusted friend, a pilgrim, or a slave heading in that direction to deliver it for you. [1, 2, 3]
    • The Royal Administration: Following the death of Alexander the Great in 323 BC, the newly formed Hellenistic kingdoms (like the Ptolemies in Egypt and the Seleucids in Syria) created highly sophisticated state postal networks. Borrowing heavily from the older Persian "Royal Road" system, these governments set up horse relay stations along major paths. Couriers would hand off official government documents from one rider to the next, allowing state letters to travel hundreds of miles in just a few days. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]
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    • July 9, 2026 at 1:27 PM
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    • #15
    Quote from DaveT

    However.... I think an absolute necessity to the teaching and learning process had to be frequent, (dare I say more than weekly) meetings for both the illiterate and illiterate to learn and adopt the lessons from the Garden(s) into daily life.

    Had to be frequent, and I would say likely had to repeat and focus on key points rather than deliver (for example) a Lucretius-length monologue.

    That reminds me that someone brought up to me in regard to recent discussions that there are significant content differences (not conflcts, but topics covered) between the letter to Menoeceus and the Principal Doctrines.

    Based on what I have read i would predict that the Principal Doctrines were in wider circulation, and perhaps came later, than the letter to Menoeceus. It's certainly helpful to have them both, but opens up avenues for significant textual analysis to compare what is in the PDs vs what is in the letter and think about the implications of those differences.

    For just one example, PD03 is either an explicit or implicit statement of the "only two feelings" doctrine, which is not stated explicitly in the letter to Menoeceus.

    That's quite shocking when you think about it - the PD's don't lead off with discussion of Happiness or Eudaimonia or tranqulity or anything else as the ultimate goal, but with focusing on the limit of quantity of pleasure and how pleasure and pain are the two alternatives.

    Addendum:

    We can presume for the sake of argument that Chatgpt has been talking to me and has picked up my biases, but unless someone thinks the following is wrong, it is striking:

    Q. - In the document known as the principal doctrines of Epicurus, do words referencing eudaimonia or happiness or tranquility appear, or are all refrences to pleasure?

    A - The short answer is no. The Principal Doctrines do not present εὐδαιμονία (eudaimonia) as their organizing concept, nor do they repeatedly speak of "happiness" or "tranquility." Instead, they consistently make pleasure (ἡδονή, hēdonē) the standard of the good.

    A few observations:

    • The noun εὐδαιμονία ("happiness," "flourishing") does not appear in the Principal Doctrines.
    • Ἡδονή (pleasure) and related forms appear repeatedly and explicitly as the goal and criterion of life.
    • Ἀταραξία (ataraxia, tranquility/freedom from disturbance) does not appear as a central term in the Principal Doctrines. The doctrines instead speak descriptively of being "free from disturbance" or "without fear" rather than elevating ataraxia itself as the goal.
    • Ἀπονία (aponia, absence of bodily pain) likewise is not emphasized as an independent goal; rather, the doctrines repeatedly define the limit of pleasure as the removal of pain.

    For example:

    • PD 3: "The limit of the magnitude of pleasures is the removal of all pain."
    • PD 5: "It is impossible to live pleasantly (hēdeōs) without living prudently, honorably, and justly..."
    • PD 18: "...the flesh does not need unlimited pleasure..."
    • PD 25: "...if you do not refer each of your actions to nature's end, but instead turn elsewhere... your actions will not agree with your principles."
    • PD 26: distinguishes natural desires by whether they produce pain if unfulfilled.
    • PD 29–30: classify desires according to pleasure and pain.

    Where later interpreters often speak of "tranquility," the Principal Doctrines themselves usually express the idea through phrases such as:

    • freedom from fear,
    • freedom from disturbance,
    • confidence,
    • security,
    • living pleasantly.

    This is an important point because many modern presentations summarize Epicurean ethics as aiming at ataraxia. That summary is more characteristic of later doxographical tradition than of Epicurus' own ethical formulations in the Principal Doctrines. In these doctrines, the explicit telos is pleasure, while tranquility is presented as a consequence or characteristic of the pleasant life rather than as a separate or higher end.

    Indeed, if one simply counts the vocabulary, the contrast is striking:

    ConceptPresence in the Principal Doctrines
    Pleasure (hēdonē)Frequent and central
    Pain (algos, ponos, etc.)Frequent and central
    Happiness (eudaimonia)Absent
    Tranquility (ataraxia)Absent as a noun
    Blessed (makarios)Present, especially in PD 1 regarding the gods

    This lexical pattern strongly supports the view that Epicurus himself framed his ethics in terms of pleasure, not eudaimonia or ataraxia, even though later authors—and many modern scholars—often use "happiness" or "tranquility" as convenient summaries of the results of living pleasurably.

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    • July 9, 2026 at 1:29 PM
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    • #16

    Google query: If Epicurus wrote 300 books, then was he wealthy since the cost of papyrus was a significant expense?

    Yes, Epicurus was relatively wealthy by the standards of ancient Athens, allowing him to afford the vast amounts of papyrus required to author his roughly 300 works. While his philosophy advocated simplicity, his personal financial status was comfortable enough to support his prolific writing career and distinct lifestyle. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]

    His wealth and writing productivity were tied to several factors:

    1. Inherited Affluence and Property Ownership

    Epicurus was born to Athenian parents on the island of Samos. His family possessed enough capital to secure him a top-tier education and allow him to travel widely. When he settled in Athens around 306 BC, he had the financial means to purchase a large house with a walled garden just outside the city walls. Known simply as "The Garden," this property served as both his home and his philosophical school. Buying real estate in ancient Athens required significant wealth. [1, 2, 3]

    2. A Supported Community Network

    Epicurus did not live or finance his work in isolation. The Garden operated as a communal living experiment funded by a network of wealthy patrons, devoted students, and co-founders who pooled their resources. [1, 2, 3]

    • These followers regularly donated money and supplies to sustain the community.
    • This consistent financial support allowed Epicurus to dedicate his life entirely to philosophy and writing without needing to work a traditional job for income. [1, 2]

    3. The Definition of an Ancient "Book"

    When ancient biographers like Diogenes Laërtius noted that Epicurus wrote 300 "books," it is important to understand the terminology. [1, 2]

    • An ancient "book" (biblion) referred to a single papyrus roll, not a massive modern hardcover.
    • A single roll typically held the equivalent of just one long chapter or a short modern essay (roughly 10,000 to 20,000 words max).
    • His masterwork, On Nature, spanned 37 of these rolls. [1, 2, 3]

    While purchasing 300 rolls of papyrus was a steep expense that an ordinary Athenian laborer could never afford, it was a perfectly manageable investment for an independently wealthy property owner supported by a community of dedicated disciples.

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